speech by foreign secretary david miliband
at the emirates centre for strategic studies and research
U.K. FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE
November 24, 2008
Excerpts
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The threat from nuclear weapons is by definition the most deadly. As nuclear power becomes a more important source of energy, we face a growing risk of nuclear proliferation. That is the significance of the UAE programme, in explicitly framing its plans to counter this threat.
The UK is committed to a vision of a world free from nuclear weapons. That is why we have reduced the explosive power of our nuclear arsenal by 75% since the end of the Cold War. The US, Russia and France have cut radically too. A Middle-East free of nuclear weapons is critical to this vision. That has been our policy for a number of years.
Iran, however, is going down a different path. It continues to enrich uranium in breach of five United Nations Security Council resolutions. Because of Iran’s long history of secrecy about its nuclear programme the international community is entitled to seek verifiable assurances that it is not for a military programme. The IAEA Director General has made clear that, because of Iran’s failure to cooperate with the IAEA, he is still unable to verify that Iran's programme is for purely peaceful purposes. I remain convinced that the prospect of a nuclear-armed Iran poses the most immediate threat to the stability of this region.
When I talk to Arab leaders, journalists or academics, they invariably raise their concerns about Iranian influence and activities. Iraqis complain about Iranian support for the Special Groups who have been responsible for much violence against other Iraqis as well as against multi-national forces. Afghans voice concerns about the assistance Tehran provides to the Taleban. Then there is its political, financial and military support for Hezbollah, as well as Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad who are determined to frustrate efforts to achieve a comprehensive peace between Israel and Palestine. And the wholly unacceptable comments from Iran’s President about Israel.
A nuclear armed Iran would be a decisive blow against those seeking to promote pragmatic and peaceful solutions to the regions problems. The consequent nuclear arms race would be very dangerous. The acquisition of a nuclear weapon would strengthen Tehran’s regional position, injecting its attempts to stoke up division and promote instability with much greater confidence.
The pressure we are applying to Iran, the sanctions we have supported in both the EU and the UN, are not an attempt at regime change. And nor are they a precursor to military action. We are 100% committed to a diplomatic resolution of this dispute. We will work closely with the new US Administration on this issue.
But for diplomacy to work we need to present Tehran with a stark choice. Either it cooperates with the UN Security Council, halts enrichment and engages constructively with the IAEA, or it continues on its current path towards further confrontation and isolation. It is only by making this choice more and more stark, by combining increasingly tough sanctions with clear offers of reintegration – such as that which the E3+3 presented to the Iranians in June under cover of a letter signed by all the Foreign Ministers including Condoleezza Rice – that we can hope to veer the Iranian government off its current course.
We are keen to work with the countries of the Gulf on this too. You offer serious incentives for economic cooperation - in terms of closer economic ties or preferential trade arrangements – if Iran plays by the rules. And you could pursue further restrictive measures, partly financial but also for instance clamping down on smuggling or tightening up export controls on goods which could support the development of nuclear weapons. And there is much that the Arab countries could do to counter Tehran's claims that their quest for greater influence and their nuclear programme enjoys tacit support throughout the region. 2009 is the year when we need to work on these issues together.
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