Written Testimony of Under Secretary for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence David Cohen before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF THE TREASURY
October 14, 2011
Chairman
Ros-Lehtinen, Ranking Member Berman, and distinguished members of the
Committee: Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today to
discuss the Treasury Department’s efforts to implement and enforce Iran
and Syria sanctions.
The
focus of my testimony today will be the progress we are making in our
financial strategies to increase pressure on the Iranian and the Syrian
regimes. But first, I would like to say a few words about
this week’s revelation that we disrupted an Iran Qods Force plot to
assassinate the Saudi Ambassador here in Washington.
This is a dramatic reminder that the urgent and serious threat we face from Iran is not limited to Iran’s nuclear ambitions. We
have been working for several years to address the full spectrum of
Iranian illicit conduct, including nuclear and missile proliferation,
human rights abuses, misuse of the international financial system and
support for terrorist groups worldwide.
This week is no different. On
Tuesday, Treasury imposed financial sanctions against five individuals,
including the Commander of the Qods Force and three other senior Qods
Force officers connected to the assassination plot. In
taking this action, Treasury exposed the Iranian government’s
involvement in the plot through the Qods Force, Iran’s primary arm for
exporting terror.
And
Wednesday, we took another action targeting Qods Force involvement in
terrorist activities, this time by imposing sanctions on Mahan Air –
Iran’s second largest airline – which was secretly ferrying operatives,
weapons and funds on its flights for the Qods Force.
Actions
like these, along with a raft of additional sanctions we have imposed on
Iran over the past several months and years, have put increasing
financial pressure on Iran in recent years.
CISADA has markedly amplified this effect. As
we have explained to banks and governments in nearly 50 countries
around the world, CISADA offers a clear choice: a foreign bank can have
access to the largest and most important financial sector in the world –
the United States – or it can do business with sanctioned Iranian
banks, but it cannot do both. For the overwhelming majority of foreign banks, the choice has been a simple one. Those with potentially sanctionable relationships quickly elected to stop that business. And where we learn of potentially sanctionable activity under CISADA, we have actively investigated it.
Our efforts are paying off. Iran is now facing unprecedented levels of financial and commercial isolation. The
number and quality of foreign banks willing to transact with designated
Iranian financial institutions has dropped precipitously over the last
year. Iran’s shrinking access to financial services and
trade finance has made it extremely difficult for Iran to pay for
imports and receive payment for exports. Iran’s Central Bank has been unable to halt the steady erosion in the value of its currency. And
Iran has been increasingly unable to attract foreign investment,
especially in its oil fields, leading to a projected loss of $14 billion
a year in oil revenues through 2016.
Our efforts in Syria are also yielding results. Since
the uprising in Syria began in March, President Obama has issued three
new Executive Orders to establish sanction programs that have
systematically escalated the financial pressure on the Asad regime. These
U.S. sanctions – which target human rights abusers, block the assets of
the Government of Syria, impose a import ban on Syrian petroleum
products, and prohibit new investment in Syria – are intended to
pressure Asad to relinquish power. Our efforts have been
echoed by our European partners, who have established an embargo on
Syrian oil and imposed financial sanctions targeting officials
responsible for Syrian repression.
Echoing
action that we have taken, just this morning the EU announced sanctions
on the Commercial Bank of Syria, by far the largest bank in Syria, and
its key link to the international financial system.
As a
result of these sanctions, the Asad regime is struggling to find buyers
for its oil, to access foreign currency, and to maintain economic
stability. The IMF has revised its projections for the
Syrian economy this year -- from three percent growth to a two percent
contraction – and predicts increasing pressure on Syria’s foreign
currency reserves and ability to finance imports.
We are
making progress, but there is still much to be done to prevent Iran and
Syria from evading sanctions already in place and to take new steps to
increase the pressure on these regimes. In the case of Iran, we continue to focus on the Central Bank of Iran (“the CBI”). Although
U.S. financial institutions are already generally prohibited from doing
business with any bank in Iran – including the CBI – further U.S.
action against the CBI, if it attained multilateral support, could
further isolate the CBI, with a potentially powerful impact on Iran. I
can assure the Committee, as Secretary Geithner said in his letter of
August 29, “All options to increase the financial pressure on Iran are
on the table, including the possibility of imposing additional sanctions
against the CBI.” We will also continue to work with
governments in Europe, the Gulf, and elsewhere to impose financial
measures that will ratchet up the pressure on Asad to step down.
If the
Iranian and Syrian regimes continue to choose the path of defiance, we
will continue to develop new and innovative ways to impose additional
costs on them. I look forward to continuing our work with Congress to advance our national interests.
