Q: Why have you chosen to contribute to Roozonline?

THE MINISTER: First of all because the Internet media are widely accessed in your country, due to their free, transparent nature. In my view, it's important for all Iranians to know and understand our positions: we would like Iran to allay the international community's concerns and play her full role at regional and global level.

Q: The Iran nuclear issue is today in the hands of the UN Security Council. What do you think will be the next step?

THE MINISTER: On 29 March, the United Nations Security Council unanimously adopted a presidential statement calling on Iran to take, within 30 days, the necessary measures to restore the trust called for by the international community.

Indeed, the heart of the problem is not Iran's right to produce nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. No one disputes this right, provided Iran exercises it in good faith and complies with the Non-Proliferation Treaty.

The main difficulty is the absence of confidence in the peaceful aims of the nuclear programmes launched by the Iranian regime. In fact, the international community, not just France, has serious, legitimate reasons to be concerned about the sensitive nuclear activities carried out by Iran.

In his IAEA report issued in February 2006, Mr ElBaradei himself considers that the Agency was not in a position to conclude that there were no undeclared nuclear activities in Iran. One could also add that the Agency deems its cooperation with the Iranian authorities inadequate, since the Iranian government's representatives have not given convincing explanations about their fissile material production programme. The programme doesn't make economic or technological sense if it is designed simply to produce energy for nuclear power stations.

This lack of confidence vis-à-vis the scope, nature and exact aim of the Iranian nuclear programme justified the international community's demand to Iran, through the IAEA Board of Governors, to suspend the most sensitive activities. This demand is simple and legitimate; it does not affect Iran's economic development and or infringe her rights.

But the Iranian regime has ignored this demand and decided not to take account of the IAEA's positions. The Board of Governors consequently had no choice but to apply the law by referring the matter to the Security Council.

As far as we are concerned, we are ready to resume the negotiations with the Iranian authorities at any time. We want to get the negotiation process going again, but we need to have confidence. Only the Iranian authorities can give us this confidence by suspending their sensitive activities and cooperating with the IAEA.

Q: In Persian, we talk about "putting some meat in front of a cat". Since Iran's case has now been submitted to the Security Council, in which the United States plays a preponderant role, do you think this expression is apt?

THE MINISTER: As you know, the Security Council has 15 members, five of whom are permanent members.

When we Europeans took the decision in 2003 temporarily to suspend the implementation of the IAEA rules, which involved presenting a report to the Security Council, we were on the verge of an international crisis because of the discovery of an undeclared nuclear programme in Iran.

We then took on a special responsibility by taking the lead in a diplomatic process which opened in Tehran in October 2003 and continued in Paris in November 2004. Of course, we did not take this decision on our own, but with the support of all the members of the IAEA Board of Governors: the United States and also Russia and China.

It is Europe which has made ambitious proposals to Iran in many important areas for Iranian citizens: political dialogue, security, access to modern technology and cooperation in the development of nuclear energy. At the same time, we asked the Iranian authorities to suspend all sensitive nuclear activities in order to remove all concern about the Iranian fissile material production problem.

Today, the choice is clearly in the hands of the Iranian government which has to decide between returning to the negotiating table or continuing with the present situation which is preventing all dialogue.

Q: On this issue, the Western countries say they do not have confidence in the Iranian regime. What does this mean for the Iranian people and their country's future? How in the future will Iran be able to exercise her rights in this respect?

THE MINISTER: This is not a matter of a difference of opinion between the West and the non-aligned movement, between North and South, or between the West and the Muslim countries. It's a lack of confidence shared by the whole international community. Conclusive evidence of this is the fact that at the last IAEA Board of Governors meeting, Russia, China, Egypt, India and Brazil and Yemen all voted in favour of the resolution.

We think that because of her history, culture and influence, Iran is a major country in the Middle East and that as such she merits respect. And we have offered her the possibility of taking a strategic decision about her future and her relations with the international community: that of opting for international cooperation and opening up, for a new era of relations with the rest of the world, in the primary interest of the Iranian people.

In today's world, we all know that economic development and prosperity are closely linked to international cooperation. This is what underpinned the choice some European countries made, successfully, 50 years ago. Iran too needs international cooperation to ensure her development, like every other country. Total autonomy cannot in fact be achieved, simply because Iran's estimated uranium reserves are not sufficient for the programme she has declared. The real question for Iran is ensuring long-term secure access to nuclear energy through international cooperation. This is exactly what the three Europeans proposed last August.

The decisions the Iranian regime has taken since last summer hinder the prospects we had opened up. On the other hand, Iran's legitimate right to use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes would be better safeguarded if Iran responded positively to the international appeals by respecting her international commitments and choosing the path of cooperation. Europe is still ready today to support Iran on this path.

Q: Let me draw attention to the following fact about the Iranian people: Iranian intellectuals do not have confidence in the European Union. In their view it is concerned neither with human rights nor democracy. Moreover, the majority of Iranian citizens think that the European Union is solely defending its "economic interests" in Iran. The Islamic regime too does not like the European Union. How do you describe this type of diplomacy?

THE MINISTER: I regret that some people have that view of French and European policy. Contrary to the idea, widespread in some quarters, that Europe is essentially an economic and trading power guided solely by commercial considerations, the EU nurtures a political ambition based on wholehearted support for human rights. These are universal and Iran has in fact ratified most of the international conventions defining fundamental rights. Also greater respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms is essential in order to take relations between the European Union and Iran forward.

We have knowledge of many examples of critical situations which we pay special attention to. Practices such as detaining prisoners of opinion and conscience in what are often harsh conditions do not reflect the richness and openness of Iranian culture. I also pay tribute to the courage displayed by Akbar Gandji during the six years he spent in prison for exercising his freedom of expression. I think too of Dhabihullah Mahrami, who died in prison where he was being held solely because of his religious belief. The harassment of the Bah'i and Sufi religious minorities, subjected to great discrimination, deeply worries us. Our opposition to the death penalty, applied particularly to minors, must also be restated.

The Human Rights Prize of the French Republic was awarded last December to the Iranian association which fights for prisoners' rights and the abolition of the death penalty. I regret that its president was not authorized to come personally to France to receive this prize from the Prime Minister. In 2003, the Human Rights Defence Centre, co-founded by Mrs Shirin Ebadi with whom I had a meeting at the Quai d'Orsay on 8 March this year, was also awarded the French Republic's Human Rights Prize.

As regards the exercise of political freedoms, we signalled our concern about the invalidation of several thousand candidates prior to the Iranian parliamentary election in 2004. We acted similarly at the time of the last presidential election in 2005, in respect of which the European Union stressed that the candidate selection process had not been democratic.

Q: Many people think that you have put all your eggs in one basket, that of the Iranian government. Have you ever spoken directly to the Iranian people? If so, how?

THE MINISTER: It is normal for us to discuss with the authorities on the spot, who are our designated interlocutors. But contacts between Europe and Iran in fact take place at every level, the official ones of course, but also between intellectuals, journalists, researchers, students, businessmen and so on. Many Iranians visit or live in our countries and I would like relations between the French and Iranian peoples, sustained by mutual esteem, to continue developing so that we can understand one another better. Many concrete cooperation projects are being carried out in this spirit in every sphere: the scientific Gundispur programme, the literary project with the Caravane des Poetes, linguistic and artistic ones, etc. We have established a facility specifically designed to meet the needs of Iranian students, for whom France is the third most popular foreign country in which to study.

I would also like to highlight France's action in the wake of the earthquake which plunged the city of Bam into mourning in December 2003: emergency humanitarian aid, donations to help complete and equip the Pasteur Hospital, support for Iranian efforts to rebuild the town and restore its heritage, and contribution to the inclusion of Bam's cultural heritage on UNESCO's list of endangered world heritage sites.

France and the European Union regularly send public messages, particularly on the human rights situation, not only to the authorities but also to civil society. The Iranian people should know that these messages are messages of solidarity.

Q: President Chirac recently stated that France reserved the right to resort to nuclear weapons against States committing terrorist acts against her. Other official representatives subsequently made it clear that this statement wasn't directed at any particular government. Nevertheless, if the French government concludes, for whatever reason, that Tehran is supporting acts of terrorism against Paris, we do not know whether or not France would retaliate by using atomic weapons against Iran.

THE MINISTER: Our concept of the use of nuclear weapons remains unchanged. The French deterrent is not directed against any specific country. France's nuclear strategy is not based on the military use of these nuclear weapons. France has never considered them weapons of war. She has always maintained that her deterrent force served uniquely to guarantee that her vital interests are never threatened by any particular country, whatever the nature of the threat. Nothing more, nothing less.

Consequently, therefore, it is the Head of State's responsibility continuously to define France's vital interests. This is precisely what President Chirac did recently, in the speech you've just referred to [Landivisiau address on 19 January 2006].

Q: Since Roozonline is now talking to the French government's foreign affairs representative, your answer will be important to Iranian public opinion. Let us suppose the Iranian government agrees to the European Union's demands with respect to Iran's nuclear policy. Will France be as persistent and insistent with the Iranian government on the human rights issue as she has been on the nuclear issue? If so, how?

THE MINISTER: If the Iranian authorities make the gestures expected of them in the nuclear sphere, this will encourage dialogue and long-term cooperation between our two countries. Last August, France, Germany, the United Kingdom and European Union expressed to the Iranian regime their desire to establish, once confidence had been restored on the nuclear issue, a long-term relationship with your country. I sincerely regret the fact that the Iranian authorities did not take this outstretched hand and I still hope they will grasp this opportunity, since it will be good for Iran and for France.

But do not think that, if an agreement were reached on the issue, we could turn our backs on the grave concerns aroused by the human rights situation in Iran. The turn it is taking is of great concern to us. I have already told you: France, like the European Union, supports and will continue to support both the promotion of human rights in Iran and the groups which are active in this sphere. In this respect, we regret that the Iranian authorities did not allow the EU-Iran human rights dialogue, bringing together representatives of European and Iranian civil society, to continue after the last meeting held in June 2004.