Q. - You have talked about a risk of a major international crisis if Iran resumes uranium conversion. Is it really necessary to dramatize?
THE MINISTER - No one must conduct a fait accompli policy. The ultimatum is unacceptable. As the UN Security Council made clear in UNSCR 1540, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and their means of delivery is a threat to international peace and security. It is legitimate for every country to want to ensure its security, but to want to do so by encouraging nuclear proliferation would be more of a threat to world security than a means of guaranteeing it.
The Europeans recognize Iran's right to peaceful uses of nuclear energy. But this right must be exercised in accordance with the other obligations of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) of which Iran is a signatory. Iran has no identifiable civilian need justifying development of fissile material production-related activities and especially uranium enrichment.
Q. - But the Iranians have said they were going to resume conversion, not enrichment.
THE MINISTER - We have an agreement (concluded in Paris in November 2004) to which the Iranians freely consented: they pledged to suspend all sensitive activities, i.e. conversion, enrichment and reprocessing, and the Europeans promised to make generous proposals on the political, economic, commercial, technological, security and civilian nuclear fronts. If the Iranians unilaterally breach this agreement, then there will be a risk of a major international crisis.
Q. - The Iranians say that you have not met the deadline for presenting your proposals.
THE MINISTER - I can assure you that we are meeting the deadline. At the 25 May meeting in Geneva which the three ministers (French, German and British) and Mr Solana had with Mr Rohani (chief Iranian negotiator), the Europeans promised to present a comprehensive offer to Iran at the end of July or beginning of August; subsequently, in a letter of 29 July, we specified that our offer would be handed over at the latest on 7 August.
Q. - When are you going to present it to them and what do the proposals provide for?
THE MINISTER - Very soon, and before 7 August. Iran will be the first to know the details, but I can tell you that our proposals are designed to open a new chapter in Iran's relations with the European Union and, beyond that, with the whole international community.
In the nuclear sphere, we are proposing to support the development in Iran of a safe, economically-viable and proliferation-proof civilian nuclear programme, including access to nuclear fuel. For this, Iran must supply the international community with the objective guarantees of the exclusively peaceful nature of her nuclear activities.
The Europeans' offer also contains ideas for taking forward our political and security relationship, particularly with regard to regional issues of common interest. It includes provision for security guarantees which Iran could enjoy. On the economic and technological fronts, it covers a vast field of possible cooperation, including in the field of energy. There is also the prospect of a trade and cooperation agreement with the European Union.
Q. - The Iranians are extremely sensitive to the guarantee of non-intervention, non-aggression.
THE MINISTER - When it comes to security guarantees, there's a whole array of them ranging from non-intervention to other matters to be considered in the negotiations. Iran is a great country - the Iranians are a great people - which is playing a very important role and is entitled to security. We are fully in a position to make her proposals for security guarantees. But let's negotiate and see what can be done.
When I talk about a risk of an international crisis I'm also thinking of Iran's influence on a lot of countries in the region, for example Iraq and Lebanon. Finally, there's the fact that Iran has signed the NPT. It is unthinkable for a country which has signed the NPT, one to which we have now been talking for two years, unilaterally to pull out of the Paris agreement in a few hours' time. If Iran acted unilaterally, she would compel us to modify our approach too.
Q. - You are thinking of the UN Security Council?
THE MINISTER - The European Union's position has always been clear. The suspension is absolutely essential. If the IAEA is not in a position to provide the guarantees that the Iranian nuclear programme is exclusively peaceful, the international community can refer the matter to the Security Council. But that is clearly not the option we favour. Ever since September 2003, the IAEA has repeatedly requested the suspension of the sensitive nuclear activities, which Iran finally accepted in the Paris agreement. It's an absolutely essential confidence-building measure, given Iran's earlier conduct vis-a-vis her international commitments on the IAEA safeguards. As we speak, two things seem essential to me. The first is that we must clearly demonstrate our wish to negotiate. Secondly, if the Iranians persist in their unilateral action, then we shall ask for a meeting of the IAEA Board of Governors, and then, if necessary, of the United Nations Security Council. Indeed, the EU3 negotiations are of concern to the whole international community: this is why we have always taken care to inform and consult not only the other European countries, but also the United States, Russia, Japan and China.
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