Q. - The Iran crisis has widened since mid-August. More belligerent statements by George Bush than previously, demonstrations in Tehran, appointment of a government of extremists... A fateful spiral?

THE MINISTER - Let's look at the facts. On this issue which has implications for the stability of the world, a resolution was adopted on 11 August by a unanimous vote of the member States of the International Atomic Energy Agency, the IAEA, which is part of the United Nations system. That resolution, based on a European proposal, calls on Iran to resume the suspension of her sensitive nuclear activities. The resolution also requests the Director General of the IAEA, Mr El Baradei, to provide a report on the implementation of this Agency resolution by 3 September. Proceedings have been started, a process is unfolding within the rules of the international consensus.

Q. - Except that the United States is heightening the rhetoric... and through the Israeli media... Might they force an escalation?

THE MINISTER - One can't say that. The Americans have said clearly they wanted the Europeans to succeed in their negotiations. Nobody has anything to gain by escalation.

Q. - So between now and 3 September there's no room for manoeuvre?

THE MINISTER - On the contrary, there's considerable room, since we're talking about negotiations! I very recently had the satisfaction of hearing the Iranians say they were ready to talk to the Europeans again. We're maintaining a close dialogue with the Germans and the British. I'm in frequent discussions with Joschka Fischer and Jack Straw, who - with us - initiated the proposal by the three European countries. If the new Iranian government takes the time to look more closely at the 34 pages of that proposal, they cannot fail to see that these are extremely favourable to them - notably in very clearly guaranteeing Iran's right to civil nuclear power and supplies for her future power plants (civilian, of course): but also by affording her, generously and ambitiously, the opportunity of opening a new chapter in the history of Iran and her relations with the international community. After the meeting in Brussels last February between President Chirac and President Bush, we secured American agreement to move forward in negotiations with a view to Iran's admission to the World Trade Organization (WTO). We're also offering openings in the energy field - in particular, the possibility of making Iran a preferred country for the transit of oil from the Caucasus - as well as more political cooperation, notably to lay the foundations of a genuine regional security.

Q. - But these proposals have already been rejected! Can you improve on them?

THE MINISTER - Why not, once a discussion has started? This is the very principle of negotiation. Our hand is still extended.

Q. - What do you make of the rather violent reaction of Iranian opinion, as expressed on Sunday 14 August outside the gates of the British Embassy in Tehran? Aren't we seeing a fierce defence of the country's sovereignty on the nuclear issue, aggravated by the awareness of its growing influence in the region?

THE MINISTER - Iran is a great nation, which has already played an important role in history. Nobody is out to humiliate her, still less to deny her the right to civilian nuclear power. We've been holding discussions with the country for the past two years in a spirit of mutual respect and with a determination to achieve results. But our concern is that the Middle East, already bruised, should not be subjected to additional factors of instability by the threat of nuclear proliferation. I trust Iran, her leaders, her people and her youth, to understand the direction in which this new chapter in the history of the international community should unfold. Other great countries, Brazil, South Africa and Argentina, have of their own accord renounced nuclear weapons without their status being diminished on account of their peaceful and responsible attitude.

Q. - And if the negotiations do not succeed?

THE MINISTER - I have always said that one of the possible options was recourse to the UN Security Council, and this eventuality has never been ruled out by the other States. But the essential thing today is to mobilize ourselves and get the negotiations started again.

Q. - Shouldn't the great powers themselves disarm, in conformity with their commitment?

THE MINISTER - At President Chirac's behest, France played a major role in 1995 in securing an extension of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). She is working towards making the Treaty permanent and universal. In the field of general and complete disarmament, she took important unilateral measures to adapt the format of her nuclear forces to the strategic environment following the end of the Cold War. I may add that France signed the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) in September 1996. Today she is working to secure its entry into force, which is contingent on ratification by 44 States... The threshold has not yet been reached to date.

Q. - It's even less likely to be reached if Iran withdraws from the NPT, as she's threatening the international community she'll do if her case is referred to the Security Council!

THE MINISTER - That is a hypothesis I prefer not to entertain. Nuclear proliferation is a highly sensitive issue regarding which every member of the international community must display a spirit of responsibility. From that point of view, Iran can do a great deal to avoid such a worrying development. That is why I continue to appeal to everyone's sense of duty. France remains convinced that it is through dialogue that we'll find a solution to the problem we face with Iran.